C U R I O U S M A N I F E S T O S
(POLITISTICS)
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CONTENTS
*
[ * All names of the parties /movements /etc. in Bulgarian original have abbreviations with three
letters, which peculiarity isn't easy to maintain in the translation, so the letters are more often different. ]
Foreword
Manifesto of the DDD (Deliberate Democratic Dictatorship) Movement
Addendum to DDD
Manifesto of the EEE (Enigma of the Exploitative Elite)
Manifesto of the ZSG (Zodiacal Significance Group)
Addendum to ZSG
Manifesto of the IIE (Initiative for Iterative Elections)
Manifesto of the CCW (Corrupted Cadres Wing)
Manifesto of the NNO (New Nomenclature's Offensive)
Manifesto of the FCP (Forever Changing Party)
Addendum to FCP
Manifesto of the BRD (Believers in the Reasonable Difference)
Addendum to BRD
Manifesto of the USC (Union for Strength and Competition)
Manifesto of the TTT (Tandem for Total Totalization)
Manifesto of the FFF (Feminism Forcing Formation)
Manifesto of the CCC (Civilized Centralization and Circuses)
Addendum to CCC
Afterword
Supplement: Hurray, Is It Possible (Government of the Reasonable Alternative)?
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PART THREE
MANIFESTO OF THE NNO
(New Nomenclature's Offensive)
The history of all societies
is a history of
fight for power
between common and chosen (by God) people, between patricians and plebeians,
between people and aristocracy
! This is so because, for one thing, the governing isn't an easy activity which can be performed by incompetent and unprepared for the purpose people, but, for another thing, the more deficient one is, the less he understands this and the more thinks that he knows everything and wants to have his say in the government (surely for to muddle the things in the end). The aristocracy has the important advantage of people grown up in cultivated environment and received good education from early childhood, people for whom it is proper to say that they have sucked the good manners already with their mother's milk. The fact that they, as a rule, are not encumbered with the necessity to win their bread with disgusting labour, as the other part of the population, gives them the possibility to live for their own pleasure and creative expression, because to show his own abilities is the highest pleasure for those wealthy in spirit! At the same time the aristocrats don't need to make career
, in order to find their place under the Sun, as it is the case with the "plebeians"; they have their good place already with their birth and when they take some important positions in the hierarchy of government they have no other possibility unless to do their work properly (because
makes them to do this, other than their moral sense)
Put it otherwise, the practical lack of selfish incentives in the governing makes the aristocrat the ideal ruler, and the more prosperous one ruler is, the less is for him the danger to "lose the bone" and all related with this privileges, the more unconcerned is he in the power and the
is his ruling! In this connection is useful to remind the accustomed between the ordinary people rule that a clever person, when surrounded by swarm of gnats, does not drive them away at all, because these, that have sucked full bellies with his blood, keep away the new and hungry ones. Together with this we should not forget also the fact that the aristocrat
from early age what will be his place in the government and receives the corresponding specialized education, so that he is ready for the activity which will perform, where the plebeian-ruler, more often than not, has no managerial, as we say nowadays, education.
But all this, surely, has been known to the people from ancient times and was applied in social ruling long before the emerging of democracy, as it continues to be applied in nearly half of the world centuries after the widespread proliferation of the latter. The non-unknown totalitarian nomenclature was yet another attempt for realization of the above-mentioned pluses of predetermined rulers. The main drawback of this method is the fact that the masses are
somehow to obey the aristocracy, where the ways for doing this are usually only two: either by compulsion, or by deception! If it is necessary may be invented some absolutely impossible lie, which can enable achieving of the goal for unquestioning obedience of the masses (like this, that the aristocracy has blue blood instead of red, like all the others, or that the God itself has made himself the trouble to choose them for rulers and this must be passed from father to first-born son and from him to his son, et cetera, until the end of the world) — each measure is good if it achieves the result. This, what is bad in this case, is that the goal not always can be realized. But let us analyze more precisely the situation, in order to see what, still, is missing from the good idea, what hinders it to be applied everywhere, and formulate in this way
1. The idea for New Nomenclature.
If the common person was honest enough with himself (what, alas, happens very rarely) he should have confessed that the single reason, why he does not like the aristocracy very much, is the fact that
! And not only that he is not an aristocrat, but
for him to became one, when he has not been born as such (it is true that there are some exceptions, but they are so rare that only confirm the rule), and at the same time people are longing most strongly for this, that is most hardly attainable for them, and don't want to accept the impossibility to enter in the list of the chosen. This eager wish, in principle, is something good, because it allows mobilization of the powers in necessary direction, but in our case this unrealizable desire just hinders the successful governing of the masses.
The good thing of the aristocracy is the social environment
, in which it grows and is brought up, its material invulnerability and its wish to do something useful for the others (because there is nothing else left to it), where
the bad thing is ... its heredity
, which irritates the "plebeians", and exactly the realization and distinguishing of these moments build the backbone of the idea for New Nomenclature! If we find a way to "kill" the heredity, but preserve by this the privileged state of one group of people from the moment of their birth, we shell get
, because we take for granted (and many times validated) that the abilities of geniuses, in whatever field, are not transferred to the posterity (something that highly impedes the descendants of known persons, because their ancestors shadow them throughout their whole lives). But is then possible to have an aristocracy without inheritance, or this is just one chimera? Indubitably yes — reply we from the
New Nomenclature's Offensive
(NNO) to the first question, because we contemplate the matter scientifically and substantiated. Yes, of course — say we, because we are realists and democrats — and if other people before us have not seen the elementary decision, then this is only because they have not searched on the right place!
But if the belonging to the New Nomenclature will not be passed by heredity, then
it will be passed? The answer is really obvious — via
, for which there are no reasons to be selective by some given criteria, because it is not clear of what kind they must be, neither is possible to be taken the right decision already in very young children age of the chosen person (because the living environment must be settled very early)! Then we are left with nothing else as to apply the only proper, in situation of uncertain information, choice — the
, used frequently also by the very nature (or God, if you prefer this notion). Only the arbitrariness can democratize the idea of aristocracy and make it appealing to the public! Only the arbitrariness can give chances to everyone to be from the chosen (by God), as well as to pacify and convince the masses in the rightfulness of the choice! Only the arbitrariness can make "the wolf satisfied" and "the sheep alive", but which must be the exact procedure we shall see in the next chapter about
2. The choice of the New Nomenclature.
Such choice must take place every year, for it to be really democratic and each
to have equal chances to enter in the circle of the chosen. The first thing that must be determined is the number by which the New Nomenclature (NN) is to grow yearly and supposing that the principal sphere of its activity will be the Parliament we propose its increase for one Parliamentary mandate to be
between single and double strength of the Parliament
. If by regulations the elections are performed every four years this will give yearly increase of NN from1/4 to 1/2 of the number of persons in the Parliament. These figures will be substantiated later in the course of our explanation but it suffices to say here that initially, until it does not accumulate enough grown-up and capable New Nomenclature, we shall stick to the higher number, what for 200 persons in the Parliament makes exactly
by hundred in an year
.
The next thing to establish is the age of the children who are to be chosen and we settle on
two completed years
, and because of the yearly basis of elections we accept for convenience that it goes about children born on whatever day in the calendar year that was
the
current one. More precisely we propose this to be done in a very festive setting in groups of ten persons once weekly, say on Saturday evening, beginning from the first week of February, where there are drawn three groups of numbers, namely: month of birth (where in the sphere are loaded three groups of numbers from 1 to 12, in order not to rotate it nearly empty), day of birth (there are put 31 numbers in the sphere), and one group of three numbers — the last but one of our so called UCN (Unique Citizenship Number — equivalent of social insurance number or the like), which must identify uniquely the person — which are drawn
and
(again by loaded three packs of digits from 0 to 9; the last digit in our UCN is for control by module 11, so that it should not be drawn). The year of birth is guessed by default, because it is one and the same. As far as the purpose of the elections is to be chosen real and alive in the moment child it may happen that some
of numbers must be redrawn, where the drawn till the moment numbers which are real
, and are drawn again only these which cannot be satisfied (say, for the 29-th of February for non-leap year is redrawn only the day but the month remains; or the drawn for the last group digits don't corresponds to alive child, or simply give too high a number and for the day there are not so many children born — in this case are redrawn only these three digits). To add that if such examination, by different reasons, could not be performed
, or some error occurs, then the choice is finished in the next consecutive day.
This will be one highly attractive event that will be followed with great interest by the entire nation, maybe with greater than a final of world football competition (not to speak about drawing of some lotto), because for the first time in human history the mankind will interfere actively in the affairs of "God". But this will be one game
, contrarily to all other drawings, where one has to pay at least for the
— here each born alive citizen has already received his "ticket" and it remains only to check whether it is winning, what will make him (or her, of course) an aristocrat
(changing radically the life of his parents, too), or he is like all the other mere mortals. The important thing is to be understood that the New Nomenclature is chosen from most early age, without distinction by gender, ethnicity, religious belief, wealthy status, and so on, and continues to be such till the end of their life, but
, where nothing is passed to the posterity of the new aristocrats. Only in this way the access to the aristocracy remains open for each of the citizens, widening in this way the main democratic rights with one new more —
the right of everybody to become aristocrat
! But mark that this right is
with whatever obligations for the newly chosen and he may make political career, if he wants, yet he may do also whatever he wishes (retaining for himself also the right to
, if that is whereto his heart drives him). Before this, however, each representative of the NN must first grow up and receive his education, and that is why in the next chapter we will consider
3. The upbringing of the New Nomenclature.
Till the end of April (but maybe earlier) the elections of the new generation of NN will be finished and to the middle of the year — we propose from 1 of July — the happy chosen ones will be in position to enter the established for the purpose special
educational institutions. Because in the beginning the children are too young till the end of the year in which they complete six years (i.e. four more years) one of their parents or guardians has the right to live together with his /her child, and after this time the teaching is performed on basis of weekly boarding. The whole sustenance of the aristocrat (and the accompanying him parent, till he has this right) is taken by these establishments and, naturally, his upbringing must be, really, first class: with small groups of maximum 12 students; individual lessons everywhere, where this must be done, even studying in educational institutions in foreign countries if needed; the most up-to-day material facilities; free of charge, not only food and medicaments, but also books and teaching aids, sporting facilities, international communication links, transport and excursions all around the world, and everything what one wealthy parent will not have spared for his offspring.
In addition to the above-said, till reaching the age for official enlisting as New Nomenclature member, what we propose to become on 21 years, each chosen person will receive also one minimal monthly salary (MMS), where till being not of passport age these sum will be paid to his /her parents, and after that moment to him /her alone. With the years this financial support
but grow even higher. Insofar as each aristocratic system has its hierarchy then NN also must have some levels of division and (until in the future the very aristocrats do not decide for something better) we propose the working name
from third till first rank (what sounds good enough in all western languages). More precisely: till 21 years we will speak about future newarists and they will be ensured with only one MMS; after the official declaration of the young newarists of third rank their support will grow to 2 MMS; later, when reaching the second rank, they will get by 3 MMS; and for the first rank — 4 MMS. Under which conditions and when will happen the raising in aristocratic staircase (as well as whether there will be some changes in the proposed amounts) will decide the newarists alone, where for the moment we propose that the first raising to second rank happens not before the age of 40 and by the requirement of at least 10 years length of service in the ruling democratic institutions, and for the first rank — at least 55 completed years and 20 years service in this structures, where existence of the clause "for special merits" is also permitted. This, what must be fixed now, are just the limits and we set as low limit 2 MMS (1 for the future ones) and as high —
, which are never to be exceeded. Let us stress that this is a kind of
for each newarist between 1 and 5 MMS, but does not limit their incomes!
Therefore, it is made all possible for to spare the new aristocrats whatever worries about their sustenance, decent home, professional career or respect of the others around, supposing that left to do what they wish to, they will do what they are able to do better! But after finishing of their education nobody requires from them work of any sort in the benefit of society and they may lead the way of life of all aristocrats around the world. Some of them may become scientists, another sportsmen, third hunters or explorers, there might be craftsman, if this is what they do better, or physicians, cosmonauts, businessmen, pop stars, et cetera. Of course it is supposed that about 1/4 of them will dedicate themselves to social activity (at least after reaching of some age), if not for other reasons then because they are, in any case, always before the eyes of the public as part of the highlife, so that in the next chapter we will have a look at
4. The participation of the newarists in the ruling of the state.
As far as we from the NNO think that the newarists must be
of the governmental institutions we propose, instead of forming of separated Houses or special institutions and after this establishing how they will interact with the existing ones, to be provided for the NN just a
in each of the ruling instances, namely: in the Municipalities, the Parliament, and the judicial authorities, where this quota is
of the whole number (with precision of the rounding)! But this number must be understood as
, where NN declares one month before the corresponding elections how much places exactly will be filled by the nomenclature, and if it can not fill all its quota then the left seats are added to the chosen by the common democratic way. The important thing is that more than its quota NN can't take
, but nobody forbids to whoever newarist to be elected also as representative of a given political power in the standard democratic way, because there are no reasons to take the participation to NN for some depriving of the common democratic rights. In the elections for President, of course, we can't set a quota and that is why we propose NN to take part in them as an ordinary political power and present its own pair of candidates.
In contrast with the greater majority of democratic institutions, though, we are not ailing by
and, when for the taken posts is not required some special (democratic, maybe?) education, think that there must be at least some rational limitations by age as a guaranty for accumulated living experience, because the ruling, somehow, is not like the sports, sciences, or reproductive (read, sexual) activity, where the highest achievements are reached often before completing the middle age of human life span (i.e. up to 35-40 years), but
! That is why we require as an
additional prerequisite
for taking of the nomenclature seats also the following (upper and lower) age-limits: from 30 to 50 years — for the Municipalities; from 40 to 60 years — for the Parliament and the chosen Magistrates; and from 50 to 70 years — for the President (also the Chief Prosecutor and some other significant key-positions). These are wide enough diapasons for career making in each of the listed ruling institutions, which presuppose some natural continuity in the taken posts and in the same time, preventing the political activity before 30 years of age, give possibility to each of the newarists, if he (or she) has the needed abilities, to express himself in some other specific activity (such, for which education
), and if he can't find such area, or already reaches his threshold in the chosen one before, or accumulates enough living experience and perceives that the social government is his calling, or when, in the end, with reaching of the middle age and his gradually cooling to fast and not taught-through youthful actions comes to one average (for his country) view and understanding of life, only then to turn his sight to the politics.
After explaining the precise quotas and age-limits it is now time to revise the temps of reproducing of the New Nomenclature, which we have accepted to be between 1/4 and 1/2 of the Parliament yearly. Now, if we take one middle value of 1/3 of the Parliament and remind us that the quota of NN in the Parliament is 1/3 we will get that each year we shall have the reproduction of the whole four-yearly quota, but if we take that only 1/4 of the newarists will occupy themselves with politics in the given ages, then we will succeed for one mandate to have exactly the needed number. If thereafter we accept that the aristocrats (as also the other Representatives of the people) will remain for on the average 2-3 mandates, we shall reach one double to triple covering what (in our view) builds the ideal competition. Let us remind you that in the countries with real aristocracy not more than (supposedly) 1/10 of the aristocrats occupy themselves with politics, but in our case of specially formed such strata is possible to expect that this part will grow higher. At any rate, the reproducing of the NN (in the set limits) will be in the hands of the very nomenclature, something that for the traditional aristocracy is
yet reached (and is very difficult, not to say impossible, to be reached).
5. Maintenance of the institution of New Nomenclature
The financial support of the new for the country institution must be organized via initiating of one Foundation "New Nomenclature" which will be filled initially (and when needed) from the State's budget, from various charity organizations and private persons (we may be confident that such will show themselves) as well as from the very newarists. As far as each member of the New Nomenclature can't pass some of his (or her) farm or company to his future nomenclature descendants by genetic line, he is left with nothing else as to leave his heritage to this Foundation. And here we are not speaking about some small possessions, furniture, private home of flat, cars etc., which are left to his family according to the existing in the country laws, but for real values, which one aristocrat may gather for the years of his (supposedly) highly paid activity. At any case, we propose as part of the moral codex of the newarists to figure also giving in inheritance each more substantial possession to the very institution, to which he, in fact, is obliged for what he was (together with his luck, of course). Besides, each income exceeding one limit of, say, 10 MMS (there are no lawful limitations as to how much may win such person in a month, but only to how high may be his aristocratic pension) we propose to be
by him to the Foundation, in order to be reached its complete self-sustenance after some time.
Before the Foundation, though, accumulates enough assets there are to be constituted for it premises for education, means for sporting activities, relaxation, transport, etc., etc., which can't "fall from above". But even in the most unfavourable for the people case (if everything falls on their backs), having in mind that yearly for our country will be chosen only 100 future newarists, just after 50 years will be expected their number to reach 5,000 people, so that even if till that time will not be switched to its full self-sustenance (what is practically impossible) then their number will amass up to about 1/1,000 of the working-age population (about 5 mln.), or each Bulgarian will "carry on his back" only one per mil of a child, more or less, what is really funny as additional load, where the advantages of the New Nomenclature are immense!
But we not vainly mentioned not long before the number 50 years, because after this time from the choosing of the first future newarist must be held, let us name it,
, on which will be possibly corrected the figures of growth (but surely in the allowed limits), will be changed, maybe, the very name newarists, and will be rearranged the matters with the financial support of the Foundation. Then, maintain we from the NNO, must be approved also some Moral Codex of the newarists. Then,
, the ruling of the NN will be really passed in its hands, because only then could be supposed that the New Nomenclature, having already taken part about 10 years in the Government of the country (the Parliament) and about 20 years in the Municipal Councils, will at last have reached its maturity.
In conclusion
of our Manifesto of the New Nomenclature's Offensive must be stressed that the main modification of the laws, for to be we in position after some time to create our own aristocracy of one really new type, consists in establishing of the nomenclature quota of 1/3 from the future governmental institutions, which to be filled only then, when by reasons of age this becomes possible. Together with this, of course, must be settled also the financial questions with the founding and initial sustenance of the Foundation "New Nomenclature", what, surely, will not provide difficulties, where the emotions for the public will begin immediately and the confidence in scientifically-based ruling (and, more generally, selection in the society) will pour fresh stream in our democratic government! To say nothing about the worldwide contribution of our small nation to all countries which, by whatever reasons, have succeeded to destroy their aristocracy, or for which there have not yet ripened suitable economical and other conditions for its building
To scientific comprehension of the notion nomenclature cadres
, as specially cultivated and brought up, chosen by the fate and protected by the nation, competent rulers of the people!
To new and fuller democratization
of the society via the official acknowledgement of
!
Ahead to the future Offensive of the New Nomenclature!
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MANIFESTO OF THE FCP
(Forever Changing Party)
The history of all societies
is a history of
changing of one ruling party with another
! The parties have existed from ancient times, already before the arising of democracy in Ancient Greece, when was just taken decision to use somehow this social phenomenon. The root of the present-day word is the Latin "part", what means some
, group (of people), division (of the nation), which thinks and reacts in a different than the others way, going out of its (partial) interests, and in the intent to defend its own people fights for power and place in the governing of the country. The parties are necessary under the democracy, but even in periods of dictatorship there exist, in addition to the ruling party, also other (most often illegal) parties or different fractions (i.e. parties in the parties). There will always be parties, or at least until will not be found
! But the fact that they exist already milleniums speak for the opinion that till now such party has not yet emerged!
And really, if the very best party existed, it would have succeeded during this time to take at least once the power and after this it will never have lost it, because (by definition) it is the best and most qualified (and if it can easily lose the power then it, surely, is not so competent). Most near to this goal were the totalitarian parties which, as the best possible ones, rejected all others (because nobody searches the worse when the best is already found), but they also failed because they were good only according to their own criteria and in practice they lacked first of all
, as we shall see later. The important thing for now is to come to the conclusion that
the best party
simply
does not exist
! This what exists, and can be reached for one, though narrow as a hair compared with the whole human history, period of time, is some
party
, because: panta rei (or everything flows), so that the people incessantly change their views on many things. And as it often happens,
the lack of quality is compensated in abundance with an excess in quantity
— something that lies at the basis of pluralism! In this sense the traditional democracy gives
decision, but it is not at all this, which we would have liked to have; it is better than nothing, but it is wide away from the best decision.
1. The ideal decision
Let us now, after this introduction, try to see first of all how the ideal decision must look like, if it exists.
The ideal party
should represent the widest possible masses of the population, and not only some narrow layer; it should not have its own party interests
from those of the people, who have elected it (struggle for power and personal benefits, for example); should take into account all different meanings (of the opposition) and try to search suitable for all parts decisions, something that is basic democratic requirement (only that it's not realized in practice); to give equal chances to everybody, who expresses the wish to enter in it and take leading posts without receiving whatever privileges; to be in condition
fast and without crises when the situation demands this, i.e. to contain the needed modification
and not to wait when somebody beats it for to begin to change; to maintain, however, some continuity and not to change in such manner that nobody could recognize it; to enthrall the masses because it is interesting for them to participate in it or sympathize with it, not because somebody forces them to; and at the end, to provide emotions and give shows to the people. This party must literally
as everything living on this world, where each of its
must deftly balance between the rejection of the old and the requirements of the new! Hence, if such party existed, it must be the one and only incessantly improving itself Party (with capital letter, surely), which fully deserves to be named
Forever Changing Party
(FCP).
Such party, naturally, could not have existed without its
Opposition
(also with capital letter), because if the party is one, more so must also the Opposition be single and perfect, i.e. also to represent the widest possible masses of population; to be in it no party quarrels and interests; if the Party is the constructive element of the governing then the Opposition must be the destructive element or the eternal "contra" to everything what comes from the Party; to give also equal chance for everybody who wishes to be its member and make
career; to be adaptive (like the Party) to the new conditions, but maintaining the needed continuity; to unite and enthrall all oppositionists and criticizers. In two words: whatever is the Party such must be also the Opposition, but as
! The new generation of the Opposition must be built in a similar way to the new generation of the Party, otherwise there will not be equal fight, will not be dialectical evolution, will not be incessant change and improvement!
And, of course, there can't be Party and Opposition without the existence of the
Folk
with its sacred voice and right of choice, i.e. all who can give their voice (say, with 18 completed years), but who in addition are
from the Party
from the Opposition, because as it isn't right for someone to be member of two parties, in the same way it is not right for one to be member of some party and not be its member. In this sense our notion "Folk" consists only of those citizens, who do not take active part in political life (but their interests are represented, though in different way, both, by the Party and by the Opposition).
Grounding element of our program is
, i.e. the possibility for everybody to be member: if he wishes — of the Party; if he wishes — of the Opposition, but if not — to be simply of the Folk (i.e. not to be a member of whatever party), and to be such as he alone wishes, with a bit of luck, of course. If the human being is universally advanced and perfect animal he must be allowed to change his activity with the time; if somebody is appropriate for the Party, he is equally suitable also for the Opposition, or as representative of the Folk. More than this, as much as the Party, also the Opposition, as
for maximally wide circle of people, must be
of the population of the country, i.e. to represent the interests of
its groups! Only then our Party will be the ideal decision, not yet reached in whatever from the existing Parliaments, will be the everlasting and non-destroyable Forever Changing Party. But is such decision possible? We insist that it is possible and it is as simple as everything genial.
2. Stages of development of FCP
As far as the Forever Changing Party is a party of entirely new type it goes cyclically through
distinct stages in its incessant renewing and these are the stages of:
and
. We will look at them more precisely:
a)
On the
stage of forming
of the FCP each citizen must determine his affiliation to the new generation of the Party, Opposition, or the Folk, in one free and democratic way — with personal participation and a bit of luck. In order to have more interesting and spectacular conducting of this preliminary choice, but also to avoid all conditions for faking and manipulation of the masses, there will be chosen some intermediate numbers which
will be related to specific values! Before explaining the exact procedure let us first extent the possible alternatives to
, namely: P for Party, O for Opposition, F for the Folk, L for those who retain their last choice (from the previous elections), and N for those who go to another (next) voting. It is natural to accept that in the first election the variant L will be considered as F, as also that in the second tour those who have chosen N must be added to F, because we stop the choice here (though there are no problems at all to have three or more tours by the same scheme).
By these agreements each one who has the right to vote must in an interval of one month go to the Municipality and choose one number between 1 and 5 inclusive, what forms his choice of affiliation, where this must be fixed in a centralized data base for the country linking his Unique Citizenship Number (UCN — or insurance number for other country) with his choice and the person receives the corresponding quittance. Those who, by whatever reason, have not made their choice in the said interval receive automatically the number zero, which later is interpreted as F. Then this choice for affiliation is announced publicly by the usual way where for each of the persons are written: UCN, names, address, this choice (from 0 to 5) and last choice (only P, O, or F). In two weeks after this, in most festive circumstances, takes part the official deciphering of the votes, where personally the President, for example, draws a lot for each of the five numbers. For those who have given the number which turns out to be N (next tour) is performed one more voting, this time in the next two weeks, where in the meantime those who wish can change their choice, and after this the numbers are again deciphered.
As you see there is enough time (a whole month) for performing of the choice, not just one day, and there is no way to distort the voices of the voters, because simply
in advance which number what will mean. This, certainly, is the
and now it becomes a reality! And mark the fact that by these choice of affiliation there
at all
, because not only the Party, but also the Opposition, take part in the governing of the country, and even the common people from the Folk, too (as we shall see later), because the elections do not finish here.
Without falling in tedious calculations (which are given in the Addendum) we shall mention only that, because the probability for each of the five numbers are equal (nobody knows which number what means for to be some preferences), and with relation to the second tour and the old choice, it turns out that if there were 100% voted (what isn't a real situation) by about 31% will have the P and the O, and the left are for the F, where in one real amount of 85% voted the members of the Party and the Opposition will be
by 1/4 of the population, and for the Folk remains the other half. An important criterion is also the
in the ranks of the Party (resp. Opposition), which turns out to be nearly the half (48% by 100% voted, and 40% by 85% voted).
b)
On the
stage of balloting
in the ruling institutions is needed, from the already formed Party and Opposition, to be chosen one
, which must fill the so called
Party Parliament
(PP) and
Oppositional Parliament
(OP). The best representativeness, naturally, may be received by some
, by which all strata of the population take proportional part, otherwise unavoidably some distortion will arise, as it is in
contemporary Parliaments, where the sacred vox populi is simply substituted with the "voice partial". Central point in understanding of the conception of FCP is the thesis that
the politician is
, because nobody requires from him (or her, surely) obligatory to have neither tertiary, nor secondary, nor whatever, general or specialized political education, neither to be capable even to read or write (not that such knowledge impedes him somehow). More than this,
this was not so (i.e. if there was educational requirement, then the elections would not have been democratic enough, because some circle of common people would have been excluded from taking of electrve positions.
This conception has deep democratical roots and already in Ancient Greece there were discussions about the point that nobody (with the exception of gods, maybe) can know what is good and what is bad, and that this is something what neither can be studied, nor there exists unanimous answer. From the height of the flown 25 centuries we may now give more contemporary sounding of this assertion reformulating it so:
there is no algorithm which can discern the good from the bad
! And praise be to God, say we from the FCP, because if such algorithm existed then the human would have been simply eliminated from each governing structure, as its
element! So that the members of the Party and the Opposition must be only
, necessary to
the laws, applying their own criteria for good or bad in the given historical moment (and
to create or analyze them thorough, what is task of the professionals — the corresponding Commissions to the Parliaments).
What concerns the number of people there we propose that the Party and the Oppositional Parliaments consist of 100 (hundred) persons, where 1/4 of them, chosen by lot, must remain in the next Parliament for to convey their experience in the performed work to the new members, so that at the stage of balloting there must be chosen only 75 new Representatives. In accordance with approximate calculations for our country, for about 6 mln. voters and about 25% of them members of the Party /Opposition (what is the case for 85% participation in the elections), must be chosen 75 persons between 1,5 mln. people. Here we propose one natural and similar to the choosing on the stage of forming variant, namely: in interval of again one month each, who already belongs to one of the two ruling powers, must declare in the Municipality one number from 1 to 9,999 (the number 0 is reserved for those who, by different reasons, will not make their choice) and receive the corresponding quittance. After this, again in most festive circumstances, the Chairmen of PP and OP draw one number from 0000 to 9999 (by way of, for example, drawing consequently, or simultaneously,
) and two more additional numbers, setting in this way
the corresponding Parliamentary pools. By uniform distribution of the numbers we must have for our country 150 persons chosen with the first basic number, i.e. double reserve, but to be on the safer side are drawn also the additional numbers, because it may happen that many people don't like to choose some number (say, 0013).
After securing of at least double reserve in the pools (when needed there may be drawn more additional numbers — this becomes clear at once, because the choice of everybody is known in advance, and how many people are there for each of the numbers) is performed
and ordering of the candidates, what is done again in an attractive way: in two spheres are placed equal amount of numbers which coincide with the number of people, where for the one there is already prepared and announced list of candidates ordered by UCN (or by names), and the numbers in the second one give the consecutive number of the candidates in the new formations, where each number above 75 is considered as current reserve for adding, what reserves exist also in the traditional Parliaments. That is how the link between the candidate and the place in the Parliament is done, where it must be marked that the drawn out numbers are
back in the spheres.
When for a given number happen to be very many candidates (i.e. more than 80 - 90, how much is the real need with small reserve, but in the average case they are twice more, and especially if occasionally falls the number 0000 of the non-voted) and their numbers fill very tightly the sphere, then they are firstly split in subgroups (say, by 50), according to some ordering, then for the subgroups is drawn lot for their ordering, after this in each of them is performed drawing by the explained method with two spheres, and at the end is performed
of the subgroups. Because it isn't right to interpret the ordering of the groups also as ordering for simple sticking of the lists one to the other (because then after the first two subgroups will not be any reason for drawing and this people will be discriminated), then the subgroups are
(in the established order) taking the first number from each of them, then the second one, etc., till the end. Such drawing is performed also for each of the additional numbers (if we don't have yet double reserve) and then the ordered list is appended to that for the previous numbers for to obtain the final list.
It is clear that this is applied to both Parliaments; and it is good to have some procedure for rejecting of participation in the governing, if someone wishes so, when in this case he receives each month during the mandate of the Parliaments by half of the due to him salary, and on his place enters the next reserve from the list. There are no big expenses out of state's budget, we have guarantied
elections (there is no possibility for them to be falsified), there are many emotions for the public, and the most important thing — the members in both Parliaments are really representative selections of the people, what is one
triumph of democracy
!
c)
As the experience of all contemporary democracies, however, shows, it can't be some real democracy without the consolidating role of the
Presidential institution
, and as far as the FCP makes many new arrangement in the electoral procedure we must clear also this question. It is good for the President to be neither of the Party nor of the Opposition and, hence, he has to be chosen between
via direct choice by existing chance for everybody in similar way as by the choice for balloting in the Parliaments. As far as even for our small country one pool of about 3 mln. people is big enough we propose its first decreasing by choosing the
where the Chairman of the PP draws officially one out of 12 numbers. In this situation there will be left about 250,000 people candidates for President, each of which must in the already known way in interval of one month declare his (or her) choice of one number between 1 and 99,999 (this time), where the zero is again reserved for the non-voted. Thereafter similarly takes place drawing of one winning number (from 00000 to 99999) and two additional, and then is performed the sieving and ordering of the candidates, where the second person in the end-list becomes Vice-president.
The so chosen President (Vice-president) similarly must be allowed to reject the post if wishes (against the half of his salary), and then is chosen the next in order. And mark that the President again is
a professional (there is no Academy for Presidents, right?) but ordinary person from the population who has just have more luck than the others, but what else if not luck needs one nation under the democracy?
3. Functioning of the new institutions
The activity of the new institutions is mostly similar to this of their current analogues, only that it is
, because everyone does exactly this what must be done, namely: the Party Parliament approves the laws, the Oppositional Parliament rejects them (if it can), and the President rules and represents the country. The very making of the laws is done by professionals, jurists and specialists in the area to which refers the the bill in question. The
(the law to be made or corrected) is set by the Party Parliament, then after making the draft of the law it is shown firstly in the Oppositional Parliament and to the President for critical remarks and then in the Party Parliament for approving (and constructive corrections), after what it is returned to the professionals with the remarks of Party Parliament for possible corrections. This procedure is repeated up to two times, where the President also has the right to return once the draft, but the conclusive word, of course, has the PP.
Each of the Parliaments can take under consideration also the meanings of its electors, via some corresponding units (Commissions for public meaning), as much as the Folk, too, can take part in possible discussions and give the meaning of his members to whoever of the parts everyone wants. In this case the well known from the contemporary Parliaments situations of "eagle, crab, and pike", figuratively speaking, will be simply impossible and, at least because the adversaries will not be in one hall, will be criticized only the discussed laws and the expressed meanings,
who have expressed them! This is especially important because the aim of democratic governing and law-making is to grasp and incorporate in laws not the personal expression but the
in the moment
.
Inasmuch as between the Parliaments and the President may sometimes arise contradictions they will be decided as explained below.
a)
The president may dismiss both Parliaments
, where this may happen: either single time for interval of up to 7 consecutive days; or multiple times up to 30 days in the expanse of the last 6 months, but again for not more than 7 consecutive days and with interruption of not less than one week; or permanently, but after having spent all temporary possibilities, in which case he is obliged in two months to fix new elections (where if in the moment of decision has not yet flown half of the time of the new generations of the Party /Opposition then is performed only the balloting, otherwise also the forming of the pool).
b)
PP and OP for their part can dismiss the President of his (or her) post only permanently and by
taken decision approved with majority of at least 2/3 of the persons in each of them, where his place is occupied by the Vice-president and the place of the latter — by the first presidential reserve; in addition to this they have also the right to fix in one month time new elections for President /Vice-president out of the existing Folk, but can change his Zodiac, where decision for this is taken also by the stipulation for simultaneity and voting with qualified majority.
In order not to come to such extreme decisions
, as also to preserve the supreme power of the Parliaments, their decision comes into action at once, where the decision of the President, in case of permanent dismissal of the Parliaments, must be confirmed again by him personally not before 7 and not later than 14 days (if he is still on his post).
4. Pluses of our proposition
At the end let us mention some important
advantages of FCP
and the structure of social governing which it imposes, besides already cited fair, democratic, attractive, functional, and inexpensive elections, providing also continuity and renewing of the Party, the Opposition, and the Folk in each cycle, namely:
a)
Very important peculiarity is the
lack of national elections for municipal and magisterial institutions
, because they are administrative and executive and require the needed dose professionalism, hence they are not at all place for political biases! The municipal Councilors will be appointed by the President on hierarchical (not democratical) principle, based on some competition, where each local ruler chooses and appoints his /her subordinates in similar way. The people from the Folk (grouped by Zodiacs, for example) may require changing of some municipal rulers, but these problems will be solved in administrative hierarchy. The choosing of judicial authorities will proceed also without national elections, but in an entirely
way, where the propositions are done by the very judicial organizations, some of the candidates may be rejected by OP, and in the end the accepting is done by PP, and as much as the Parliaments are representative selections of the population they represent its meaning sufficiently good for to be no need of direct elections.
b)
In what extent is true the saying that the modesty adorns the human in that extent is true that there is not even one "nice" politician by the classical forms of democracy, because
if one politician is modest he will never set his candidature
! Only by FCP for first time is allowed to be chosen
modest politicians
, because not they set their candidatures but the chance and kismet choose them. If there was
capable politician in the country he
be chosen in PP, OP, or become President, where
in the world a politician can take the power if behind him does not stand, either political, or economical, or tyrannical, or nationalistic, or some other power.
The main advantage of the FCP, though, is its
, so that if once some nation begins to think also about the politics, the people there must unavoidably come to the necessity of
Forever Changing Party
—
the ideal decision
of the political phenomenon, as science for this how one can overcome not only his errors, even not the errors of the other people around, more so those of the staying at the top, but such errors that people have not yet shown, maybe because there was not have come their time.
FCP not only aims
at the ideal equilibrium between the "three whales" of the democratic society — the Party, the Opposition, and the Folk —,
but makes this ideal entirely realizable
!
With the Forever Changing Party
to the best, everlasting, and indestructible democracy
!
To incessant renovation via the Forever Changing Party!
— — —
ADDENDUM TO FCP
This Addendum contains the mathematical model of
voting for forming
of the Party and the Opposition. It has informative character and
principally influence the expressed in the Manifesto ideas, where by shown desire for changes in the elections (which, surely, must be fixed in the Election Law) allows easy analysis of their influence over the preparatory (forming) choice
Let us first introduce some symbols and use, as it is accepted in the mathematics, single Latin letters, namely:
to signify the part belonging to the Party,
—to the Opposition,
— to the Folk, and
— the part of the voted, where these
are quotient of the corresponding amount of people to all who have right to vote (not to the voted), i.e. to
(from all). So, for example, for the Party members (
in sum) will have that
. It is clear that the percentage is received multiplying the part by 100. In addition to this, because each tour is related with the previous (but different from it), we shall use also lower index for the current tour (
in general case), and to the part of the voted in the next tour we shall add a "prime" to the
. As far as the probabilities for each of the five variants (P, O, F, L и N) are equal so they are equal to
each (but if we want to model different probabilities we must choose between more numbers, for example: 10 with precision of
, or 20 for precision of
, and in the latter case, if for the Party we accept probability of 15%, this will mean that belonging to it will be determined by 3 numbers).
By these agreements we shall have that the part of the Party members which will come from the voted directly with P will be
, and this of those who have chosen L respectively
, and similarly for N (those who go to second tour)
, or summed:
p
i
= 0.2*v
i
+ 0.2*v
i
*p
i-1
+ 0.2*v
i
(0.2*v
i
'
+ 0.2*v
i
'
*p
i-1
) =
= v
i
(0.2 + 0.2
2
*v
i
'
+0.2*p
i-1
+0.2
2
*v
i
'
*p
i-1
) =
= v
i
( 0.2(1+0.2v
i
'
)+ 0.2p
i-1
(1+0.2v
i
'
) ) = 0.2v
i
(1+0.2v
i
'
) (1+p
i-1
)
(1)
where, of course, the same is also the value of the part of voted for the Opposition, i.e.
, and the part of the Folk is
.
In particular, if
we will have
p
i
= 0.2*1.2*(1+p
i-1
) = 0.24*(1+p
i-1
) = 0.24*(1+0.24*(1+p
i-2
)) = 0.24*(1+0.24+0.24p
i-2
) =
= 0.24*(1+0.24+0.24
2
(1+p
i-3
)) = ... = 0.24+0.24
2
+...+0.24
n
(1+p
i-n
) ≈
≈ 0.24/(1-0.24) ≈ 0.3158
because we get rapidly decreasing geometrical progression (plus something more multiplied by its last term), which can be calculated with sufficiently high precision as infinite (its third term is already just
of the first). This is one very interesting conclusion which means that, no matter that there were initially 20% for P, alter 3-4 tours of elections (and the same percentage of the voted in each tour) we reach to one settled value of the percentage, or that
! Who doubts in this may simply check that
.
Similar are the calculations for another percent of voted, where we shall now calculate for
, because this gives sufficiently well rounded result of
for the Party and Opposition and exactly half of the votes for the Folk, when the settled value is reached.
p
i
= 0.2*0.854*(1+0.2*0.854)*(1+p
i-1
) = 0.171*1.17*(1+p
i-1
) = 0.2*(1+p
i-1
) =
= 0.2+0.2
2
+...+0.2
n
(1+p
i-n
) ≈ 0.2/0.8 = 0.25
And also for
, we get again rounded settled result of
for the Party (Opposition):
p
i
= 0.2*0.725*(1+0.2*0.725)*(1+p
i-1
) = 0.145*1.145*(1+p
i-1
) =
= 0.166*(1+p
i-1
) = ... ≈ 0.166/0.834 ≈ 0.2
Let us now calculate what is the
of the Party /Opposition in the choice for forming, i.e. what part of the Party members will be chosen again, marking it with the letter
(from continue). If we mark with
this part of them (related to all voters), which we get
from the rows of Party members from the
, then will have something similar to (1), but the added terms get from P and L are equal, namely:
p
i
*
= 0.2*v
i
*p
i-1
+ 0.2*v
i
*p
i-1
+ 0.2*v
i
(0.2*v
i
'
*p
i-1
) + 0.2*v
i
'
*p
i-1
) =
= 0.4*v
i
*p
i-1
+ 0.2*v
i
*0.4*v
i
'
*p
i-1
= 0.4*v
i
*p
i-1
*(1+0.2v
i
'
)
c = p
i
*
/p
i-1
= 0.4*v
i
*(1+0.2v
i
'
)
(2)
what for
gives
, for
gives
, and for
—
.
The steady-state values for belonging to the various groups and the continuity in the Party /Opposition, all in percents, are summarized in the table below, after which there follow three other tables with results from computerized modeling for 50,000 persons:
v p = o f c 100 31.6 36.8 48.0 85.4 25.0 50.0 40.0 72.5 20.0 60.0 33.2
TAB. 1. STEADY-STATE VALUES FOR DIFFERENT PERCENT OF VOTED.
No Be ginning % for End ing % for Con tinuity in % for tour no P O F L N P O F P O F 1 0.0 19.8 20.4 20.2 19.9 19.8 23.66 24.38 51.96 0.00 0.00 100.0 2 0.0 19.8 20.1 19.7 20.0 20.4 29.74 29.88 40.38 38.34 39.39 67.09 3 0.0 20.0 20.0 20.2 19.9 19.9 30.99 31.03 37.97 46.02 45.89 55.90 4 0.0 20.1 20.1 20.1 19.8 19.9 31.58 31.54 36.89 46.78 47.71 53.10 5 0.0 19.8 20.1 20.3 19.9 19.9 31.46 31.42 37.11 48.24 47.47 51.78 6 0.0 20.1 19.8 20.1 19.9 20.0 31.67 31.44 36.90 47.61 47.54 52.41 7 0.0 20.2 19.7 19.8 19.9 20.4 31.72 31.34 36.94 48.17 47.41 52.20 8 0.0 20.1 19.7 20.2 19.7 20.2 31.73 31.33 36.94 47.89 47.97 51.58 9 0.0 20.0 20.3 20.0 19.7 20.0 31.58 31.68 36.74 47.78 47.15 51.87 10 0.0 20.0 19.8 19.9 20.3 20.0 31.61 31.45 36.94 47.83 48.14 51.93
TAB.2. DISTRIBUTION OF THE VOTES FOR 100% PARTICIPATION.
No Be ginning % for End ing % for Con tinuity in % for tour no P O F L N P O F P O F 1 14.4 16.9 17.2 17.0 17.1 17.4 19.96 20.24 59.80 0.00 0.00 100.0 2 14.5 17.0 17.1 17.0 17.0 17.3 23.98 24.19 51.84 33.23 33.46 69.20 3 14.2 16.9 17.1 17.2 17.3 17.3 24.50 24.94 50.56 38.59 38.72 61.86 4 14.4 17.0 17.2 17.1 17.1 17.3 24.79 24.92 50.29 38.75 40.24 60.72 5 14.0 17.1 17.1 17.5 17.1 17.2 24.93 25.06 50.01 40.09 40.10 60.66 6 14.6 17.1 16.9 17.1 17.4 16.9 24.91 25.01 50.08 40.61 40.46 60.34 7 14.5 16.9 16.9 17.5 17.0 17.2 24.92 24.86 50.21 39.62 39.51 59.92 8 14.6 17.3 17.1 17.2 17.0 16.9 25.17 24.86 49.97 40.07 39.35 60.01 9 14.3 17.1 16.9 17.2 17.2 17.2 25.05 24.93 50.03 40.15 40.67 60.06 10 14.5 17.1 17.1 17.1 16.9 17.2 25.12 25.04 49.84 40.16 39.22 60.07
TAB.3. DISTRIBUTION OF THE VOTES FOR 85.4% PARTICIPATION.
No Be ginning % for End ing % for Con tinuity in % for tour no P O F L N P O F P O F 1 27.5 14.5 14.5 14.5 14.7 14.4 16.62 16.67 66.71 0.00 0.00 100.0 2 27.3 14.2 14.8 14.6 14.5 14.5 19.18 19.67 61.15 28.96 28.38 72.82 3 27.0 14.6 14.7 14.4 14.5 14.8 20.01 20.11 59.88 32.02 32.80 67.72 4 27.3 14.7 14.4 14.5 14.6 14.5 20.08 19.94 59.99 33.57 33.89 66.33 5 27.2 14.6 14.6 14.6 14.5 14.5 20.04 19.95 60.00 32.98 33.08 66.70 6 27.1 14.5 14.5 14.5 14.5 14.8 19.88 20.16 59.96 32.51 32.76 66.42 7 27.2 14.5 14.1 15.2 14.6 14.5 19.85 19.77 60.38 33.10 34.51 66.74 8 27.5 14.5 14.6 14.6 14.3 14.5 20.07 19.72 60.21 33.05 31.91 66.89 9 27.5 14.4 14.5 14.5 14.7 14.3 19.88 19.91 60.22 33.15 33.60 66.63 10 27.2 14.6 14.4 14.5 14.8 14.4 20.02 19.86 60.11 33.33 33.46 66.97
TAB.4. DISTRIBUTION OF THE VOTES FOR 72.5% PARTICIPATION.
— — — — —
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