C U R I O U S M A N I F E S T O S
(POLITISTICS)
— — — — —
Cover
:
As far as this is a whole book let me give here an idea about its cover. When you open it (and look from the back) it has the following view: on the left half, which goes to the
of the book, in its down part, is seen the world globe with the continents, around which there is a small ring on the Equator (like by Saturn), from which somewhere in the bottom part goes out continually broadening band reaching 2-3 cm. at the place of the fold of the cover, but later at the front (bottom) part of the cover this band broadens more reaching on the right verge width of about 10 cm.; in this band already is seen human crowd (on some demonstration) on a gray background, who are caring placards with three capital letters, on each of which, starting from the right (and frontal) broader end, can be read the following: "DDD", "EEE", "ZSG", "IIE", "CCW", "NNI" (maybe also "FCP and "BRD"); the background of the cover is neutral (say, light-blue), and in the right (front) part there is enough place: above — for the title and the author, and below (under the band) — for the publishing house (and whatever else may be needed).
— — — — —
CONTENTS
*
[ * All names of the parties /movements /etc. in Bulgarian original have abbreviations with three
letters, which peculiarity isn't easy to maintain in the translation, so the letters are more often different. ]
Foreword
Manifesto of the DDD (Deliberate Democratic Dictatorship) Movement
Addendum to DDD
Manifesto of the EEE (Enigma of the Exploitative Elite)
Manifesto of the ZSG (Zodiacal Significance Group)
Addendum to ZSG
Manifesto of the IIE (Initiative for Iterative Elections)
Manifesto of the CCW (Corrupted Cadres Wing)
Manifesto of the NNO (New Nomenclature's Offensive)
Manifesto of the FCP (Forever Changing Party)
Addendum to FCP
Manifesto of the BRD (Believers in the Reasonable Difference)
Addendum to BRD
Manifesto of the USC (Union for Strength and Competition)
Manifesto of the TTT (Tandem for Total Totalization)
Manifesto of the FFF (Feminism Forcing Formation)
Manifesto of the CCC (Civilized Centralization and Circuses)
Addendum to CCC
Afterword
Supplement: Hurray, Is It Possible (Government of the Reasonable Alternative)?
— — — — —
FOREWORD
The proposed book is collection of papers of a genre called, according to the author's definition,
, which comprises all what can be said about the social policy — either a theoretical or scientific investigation, a documentary material, a satire, a pamphlet, some fiction etc, or any kind of mixture of the mentioned, as much as life itself is, in general, mixture off any, good and bad, things. To define is to delimit, as some people know, and that is the etymology of the word (meaning to make it finite, to set some limits) and, in this sense, some not strictly defined writing genre should not lose, but on the contrary may enhance, the reader's interest in a similar way as a good coffee blend, for example, has better taste than any one of the used sorts.
The Manifestos presented in the book are too serious to be read in bed at night, but also too paradoxical to be seriously taken by the reader. But what are the paradoxes if not something that is placed outside of our knowledge and parallel to it, because this word comes directly from Greek παραδοξοσ, meaning something unbelievable, contradicting to well accepted notions (usually because our knowledge is not sufficient to comprise them, too), and which is build from παρα + δοξα where the first means "around" and the second is a thesis, statement. They are as if parodies of the Marxian Manifesto (judging by the beginning of each of them), but this is only small formal similarity and in their core they are rather parodies of
democratic parties, i.e. of the (multi-) party system, and therefore they criticize, respectively, the politics and politicians on the whole, the democracy, as well as the simplicity and vulgarity of the people (who in Latin are unavoidably vulgar). For one thing, they are very logical, if one reads them carefully, but for another — they are just Utopias. At the same time, however, some materials are highly ironical and instructive for those who are capable to find pleasure in things interesting from the so called
point of view, i.e. as knowledge in itself and not because it is useful in their everyday life.
One may take the Manifestos for political science fiction of a kind (in which there is more science and logic and less fiction as is usually accepted), or as popular treatise about democracy (something that in no way is superfluous in countries with insufficient experience in the area), or simply as political pamphlets (because is preserved the main element of the manner of speech of a politician, namely: to speak only
for his part and
the opposite one). To some of them there are Addendums where is schematized the mathematical model of the proposed idea, which are very serious, but they may be skipped, if you find them difficult to read. Another ones are really comic, but this does not make them entirely inapplicable, if a reasonable approach will be applied. The common joining idea is that each one of them proposes some
(in a given aspect) model of democracy, which is
of the existing democratic forms, what, for its part, gives right to some of the readers to name the book antidemocratic (just that the "anti" is related with our naive and euphoric notions about the contemporary democratic forms, and not with the very democratic idea). Anyway, the Manifestos sound interesting, or at least they were interesting for the author while writing them, so that he hopes there will be found some readers, too, who will share his view.
Some say there was in ancient Greece one Hesiod, who has divided people in three categories according to their capability of thinking, namely to: a) such who think alone, b) such who think as the others, and c) such who don't think at all. The last category has the major advantage that they are the most happy of us all (fact that was known from very old times, preceding the biblical ones, and that was reflected in the parable for Adam and the Apple), so let them go and see the new video action film and be even happier. The first category is very limited in number and they are so engulfed in their thoughts that they have neither time nor desire to read what other people have written, so let us leave them alone. This book is designed to help those of the middle group to convince them that there is nothing bad if they try, sometimes, to give little thought to the phenomenon of democracy.
Hoping that the reader will, nevertheless, find something valuable and will not curse the author for the time spent but, on the contrary, will read the Manifestos with gusto and simply for the fun of it, the latter leaves the former alone with this political mixture.
1996 - 2000, 2007, Sofia, Bulgaria Chris MYRSKI
— — — — —
MANIFESTO OF THE DDD MOVEMENT
(Deliberate Democratic Dictatorship
*
)
[ * The new word here is "deliberate", which doesn't stand very well, but in Bulgarian (Slavonic) "movement" begins with "d", so I decided to translate it in this way. ]
1.
The history of all societies
, for 25 centuries now, is a history of
change of democracy with dictatorship, and vice versa
! Even in Ancient Greece there were incessant changes of periods (of about ten years, or so) of some kind of democracy (but not for the slaves and the women, of course) with another periods of tyranny (called so because their dictators were simply named tyrants). Similar change was performed in Ancient Rome when times of democratic government were succeeded by absolute monarchy. After the ruination of Roman Empire have arisen some feudal monarchies, which for more than ten centuries have caused such stable
(still and untroubled as the death itself), which, after that time has passed, have given solid ground to the entire world to call the new tendencies "Renaissance" (i.e. revival or resurrection). And, of course, the Renaissance begins with limitation of the authority of absolute dictators (no matter were they the Church or some Monarch), because "too much good isn't good". Later on, in some countries the Monarch remained as dictator, but his power was limited to a certain point, and in others he was discarded but in his place was established a President (i.e. a man who
over all other people, man of highest authority again) because "the Nature avoids empty places", and without a kind of dictator there is no go! Anyway, this process of everlasting change of dictatorship with democracy and v.v. is
entirely natural and unavoidable
and here is the place to note two important points, namely:
a)
both,
the democracy and the dictatorship,
have
their
advantages and disadvantages
;
b)
the perfection is in the very process of changing
of one form of government with the other.
The democracy
, as it is well known, has the advantage of giving equal opportunities to every common man to express his thoughts about all social problems that trouble him. But it has
disadvantage! Because nobody can give us the guaranty that all people
what is in their interests, nor that the right meaning is that of the majority, or even less, that this meaning is in the interest of the minority, too. From another point of view, however, big intellects, as much as square simpletons, are
and there is no guaranty that suppression (even in democratic way) of the minority's meaning is triumph over the simplicity and not over the reason, what must never be forgotten! To put it in another form, supposing it is true that "errare humanum est" (and one would rarely contest this), then democracy gives the right to everyone to make
free and unlimited, what in many cases leads to escalation of errors instead of to their diminishing. But it is true, however, that in this way, by merely psychological reasons, "seeing a mote in thy brother's eye", as the proverb goes, one has the opportunity to see one's
errors, too, reflecting those of the others (which usually turn out to be very similar). Shortly, the main advantage of the democracy lies in the freedom to express oneself, which helps in cases of finding
, or producing ideas, and that is why it is known to be
the most adaptive
form of government
if there is any need to change things and turn to some new conditions, or, to put it in a technical language, it has the most powerful
from the population (the object of the control) to the controlling "device".
The dictatorship
, in its turn, makes all disadvantages of the democracy to become its advantages and
. The limitation of freedom leads to limitation of human simplicity or stupidity, if the dictator is a clever and thoughtful person, but to oppression of thoughts and progress, if the dictator is not such one (as it often turns out to be the case). Or, if we look at this from another point of view, the dictatorship
natural for the folks
(together with the suppression of the freedom) but enables in its place the growth of some specific "sins" (characteristic for the dictators, usually), such as cruelty or humiliation, for example. In this way, however, if the dictator is strong and uncompromising, or, as it is often said, has "an iron fist", then the dictatorship is the
that has brought him to power, what means it is
the most effective government
.
Hence, we are bound to come to the conclusion that the truth is somewhere in the middle, i.e. in the compromise. Till nowadays there were found many compromising solutions in different times and countries, such as, for example: Parliamentary Monarchy, Parliament in two Houses, Presidential Republic, and Democratic Centralism. But all these efforts have been done in the space only, and
! And as far as even the whole mankind is not equal to the God itself, and every single man is too weak, nobody has yet succeeded to bind these two poles in one and the same time interval, and that is why peoples in all times have continually
between these two antagonistic forms of government providing, in a way, just
of a middle point, if one takes it in a long time interval! We, of the Movement for
Deliberate Democratic Dictatorship
(
DDD
), simply take this dynamics in the time for granted and, instead of to reject, confirm it, because it doesn't matter at all whether people approve of it or not, and it is also well-known that life in our Universe is based on cyclical repetition (with inclusion of new elements). Without a cycle there isn't, and it cannot be, stable evolution, and that is the capstone of our Movement!
2.
Before to make it clear, however, what is our concrete goal, let us first
idealize the problem
in a try to profit as much as possible in finding out the best features of both the democracy and the dictatorship, which are namely:
a)
The ideal democracy
must provide
opportunity for performing of a
representative sample
(if we use the terminology of statistics) of the population, which has to convert in form of laws the fuzzy and ever-changeable human notions for good and bad, to make decisions about all principal questions (of the strategy, not the tactics) in the development of the country. The representativeness of the elected people must guarantee that the Parliament fully expresses the wishes and thoughts of the populace, exactly of
, not of the best ones (or the worst, respectively).
in the history was this implemented in ideal case, and nearest to the truth, maybe, was the Parliament in Ancient Athens (if we do not count slaves and women for people), where were chosen 10 persons out of every of 50 greatest families (the so called "dems") through some casting of dice (or by voting, but choosing from smaller pool of well known relatives and neighbours). Nowadays all Members of all Parliaments are chosen as best representatives of the citizens (though they very often, at least in our country, turn out to be just people with:
). And we state here that
all features of the Members of Parliament
(MPs)
must be average
or mediocre (but that has nothing to do with the Government, nor with any Commissions to the Parliament), and the best representativeness may be achieved only by using of
random choice
by different parameters (such as: age, profession, educational level, marital status, ethnical division, religious beliefs, etc.), or just by some random choice! Very important is also the requirement that all MPs do
take part in the making of various tactical decisions, or in the writing of laws (this must be left to the specialists) —
in their voting! Otherwise we may be sure there will be a "contradictio in adjecto" (contradiction in the definition) saying that the MPs are representatives of the citizens, when they are, in fact,
-representative "representatives"! In democratic periods, of course, the highest authority is the Parliament and no Dictator can exist, hence the top-ranking figure is the Chairman of the Parliament.
b)
The ideal dictatorship
must fulfill straight
and unfaltering
the set goals
, deny all other views standing in the way of achieving the goals, and severely punish all who "put stick in its running wheel". In the dictatorial Government tactical decisions for movement in the previously established direction are mostly taken, and if there is not an ultimate goal, i.e. if the most important goal is simply to live an interesting life, then the Dictator meets with serious problems in his activity and might even be found redundant. This, of course, has (or must have had) nothing to do with
in which the Dictator itself
, or leaves its post, and there are no problems this to be done by some kind of election, but when he takes once the state's steering wheel in his own hands he has the right to dismiss all democratic institutions.
c)
Undivided from the discussion about the ideal democracy and dictatorship is
the role of the parties
in the democracy, as main device for expressing of the (exactly
) views of different social classes and divisions of population concerning various strategical or tactical questions — role of
initiators
for some activities in interest of those people. As far as each party is, in a way, an individual body, it must have
interests, which are not always equal to those of that part of the population they pretend to represent! This is so, not only because the parties are an intermediate level between the populace and the government, but is due to the fact that the members of all parties in a given country are usually not more then 10 per cent of its population and the left 90 per cent are not directly represented. Even more, in the elections the representatives are chosen
out of those who have set their candidatures, not out of the whole population, and there is no guaranty that they express better the interests of the voters, nor that the situation will be the same during the whole mandatory period. In this way
traditional Parliaments express only
, not of all the people! What is important in a democratic government is just the role of initiators, the possibility for direct discussions between representatives of the parties in one place (because their number is small enough to hear one another), the personal desires of party members to express themselves better, etc, but ... their place is
not in the Parliament
(which must be a representative sample of the population) and, therefore, the only way to save parties is to put them
in a similar institution called
or "Party House", which must serve also as reservoir for electing of local authorities and judges in the Courts, but that organization must be
to the Parliament.
3.
The problem of
uniting
the ideal democracy with the ideal dictatorship
in the time
will be done simply
by their alternation
for, say, four years, and at most two mandates! And now remains to make clear
the Parliament and the Dictator, respectively, must be chosen with a good guaranty that they will always change one another, and how the appointment of the other authorities will be made. We propose the following:
a)
The democratic Parliament
has to be elected by the current
Dictator
during the time of dictatorship! There are no problems for doing this because there is
at all for free elections — all will be done on computers according to previously set criteria and in strictly established sequence of their applying, so that there always will be possibility to check whether they are satisfied or not (though it will be impossible to prove that the choice was
random, because, frankly speaking, when we say something is random this may serve only to show that our knowledge of the process is limited). The important thing is to note that this multi-parametric random choice of the Parliament not only guarantees the representativeness of the chosen persons, but also enables the possibility
to follow the current political orientation
of the population, a feature
conventional Parliament could provide, and after some time (but often before its mandate has been elapsed) it turns out it significantly disagrees with the current political views of the electorate, what is explainable with the fact that the populace easily changes its views while all party members, led by their own interests and ambitions, usually make some delay in this process. In our randomly chosen Parliament there could be no inertness because, if we take that only 10 per cent of the population has membership in any of the political parties, then the situation in the Parliament will be just
and, therefore, its members will have no moral obligations to stick to the principles of the chosen party, coalition, or union, i.e. this will be a
!
We have to note here that it is in the interest of the Dictator to leave the political scene for the democracy when his mandate comes to an end because in times of worldwide intervention of all information media even from the space it is very difficult to hide an obvious fact of elapsing of the once and for all established period of ruling. Besides, let not forget the pure psychological moment that the Dictator, usually, enforces his power not because he is bad, wicked, or evil, but because
he does his best in the interests of many people, and that is why he always has his true followers, hence there is one and only way for him to be (possibly) elected again after the democratic period — if he succeeded to show himself best off during the dictatorship!
b)
The Dictator must be chosen by the democratic Parliament
at the end of the democratic period! This is to be performed by indirect voting in the Parliament using the propositions of the Partiment and other possible institutions, where the exact procedure, naturally, must be established strictly and there may be several rounds (it is possible also to accept a direct voting but taking into account that our Parliament is a representative selection of the population, this would be only an expensive and not motivated difficulty). After the Dictator takes the rule, however, he usually dismisses the Parliament and the Partiment as redundant institutions because more then one view diverts from achievement of the set goals, but he may maintain his own structures based on (part of) the above mentioned to help him.
The Parliament has no way to stay for a longer time and thus to be a hindrance for giving the power to the incumbent Dictator because there, similarly, exist the Constitution and all the media to make it impossible, but there is a psychological point, too, that every MP is merely a
citizen and it is only his or her duty to serve as an MP (something like mandatory military service, for example), and we even propose a certain procedure for rejecting this duty to be accepted, if one wish not to do it, and electing the next one instead, again by computer program. It would be better to imagine that the MPs are like the public in a theater, but of a special kind, and instead of showing them plays tedious laws are shown for giving an opinion — they do not govern (there is Government to do this), they do not judge (this is done in the Courts), and they are not making any political career (there are political parties for that activity) — they simply express the holy "vox populi" about the current notions for good and evil.
c)
The other authorities have to be elected by the conditions in the current half-period
(of democracy or dictatorship) in a way which is characteristic for that half, but the exact procedure must be fixed in the law. In general terms, however, in times of dictatorship all decisions have to be made by the Dictator only and he is to take the whole responsibility for them, namely: he personally appoints the Governmental body, approves the local authorities and the judges (with the exception of Constitutional Court which has to be elected by the legal authorities), sends and dismisses the ambassadors and consuls, and will he use any democratic institutions to help him, will he sympathize with some political party or not, will he pay money to different, domestic or foreign, scientific consultants, or he will decide all by himself — this is his own business.
Similarly, during the democratic period the Parliament is the institution that chooses the Partiment, approves the Governmental body, calls elections for local authorities and for judges, by propositions from the political parties, and appoints all ambassadors. In relation to the Partiment we have to make the point more clear because the Parliament does not hold any new elections but establishes only
for different parties in it, while the exact party members are chosen by each party in its own way. As far as all MPs make one really representative sample of the population, the quotas may be established on the base of
political orientation, what is an important simplification in the voting procedure, at least thousand times less expensive, fast, operative, and may be held once each year (or even more often, if needed), providing in this way possibility for easy following of the current political orientation of the population in the Partiment, too, making in this way public political demonstrations and strikes wholly redundant.
d)
The prolongation of the mandate
for second time (at most) must be done by some other part but not by the same one about which we speak. In this spirit, whether the Parliament has to stay for another mandate depends on the voting in the Partiment at the end of the democratic half-period when the party members there have, anyway, to decide either to prolong the democracy or to make propositions for the next Dictator. During the dictatorship a similar decision must be taken by the old Parliament, brought together specially for the purpose after adding some new MPs, if needed; or by the current Parliament, because the Dictator might have saved the old one; or, else, new helping Parliament has to be chosen by the same computer procedure. As a kind of exception of the two mandates rule we may propose the possibility for
, either permanently or temporarily (the last meaning preservation of top control), of the mandatory half-period (of democracy or dictatorship). This may be significant in war times, for example, when the Parliament, rejecting its own mandate, may elect the old or a new Dictator, or in times of stable development, when there simply is no need of a Dictator and he decides to leave the ruling to the Parliament (and, if he still preserves his post, this will be a kind of equivalent to the Presidential Republic, but with "real" President, not with person with formal and limited powers). In this way the mandates for each of the two polar kinds of power turn out to vary from zero to two.
4.
Let us
in conclusion
make some remarks describing more clearly the role and the place of our DDD Movement, namely:
a)
During the democratic half-period even
four powers
will
exist
and they are:
and top power — of the Parliament (and personally of its Chairman, but he is not a dictator, because he easily can be substituted by another MP);
and law-creative — of the Partiment; executive — of the Government (Ministerial body), and also of the local authorities; and judicial — of the Courts. In other words, moving all parties out of the Parliament we reach to
dividing of the legislative power in law-creative
(in the Partiment)
, and (law-) approving
one (in the Parliament), but this is
and specialization, and, obviously, it is better to do the estimation (the decision making) by an uninterested part (from the point of view of political career) and unrelated with the creative group (it is something similar to the splitting of activities in the Courts), what will, unavoidable, lead to less partiality and more objectiveness in the legislature. Although it is preposterous to imagine any kind of competition (here "competition" for better laws), in which the competitors make also the jury, nevertheless this funny situation
of the conventional Parliaments?! Now about the legal competence (i.e.
competence) of the randomly chosen Parliament — well, this question stands before each of the usual Parliaments, too, and is solved by hiring of competent consultants (various Commissions to the Parliament, and other institutions), whose task is to check the soundness of the new laws and their congruence with the previously set goals.
b) Transition to DDD
might be performed from any of the existing forms of democracy, or from dictatorial ruling, too, because the computerized election of the new Parliament may be run by some kind of Dictator (President or Monarch), as much as by some Parliament, and the election of the new Dictator may be done indirectly in the Parliament, or by direct public voting. This is to say that the beginning of this new form of social governing may be established with the democratic half-period, or with the dictatorial one, though it is more natural if we begin with the democratic half, because the needed democratic institutions are better to be created from the very beginning, as more tedious and slowly to be build up, when the dictatorial institution may build new structures, or else, use partly the existing ones. Even more, the needed Governmental structures (excluding the Partiment) are well known in the world and in nearly ready for inclusion as elements of the DDD form, and the new things to be done are practically a few, though of cardinal value! The only required step is to establish a new Election Law and then to make the population familiar with the goals and tasks of our Movement because every new social invention is instinctively rejected at first, and let in this connection recall the simple fact that the democracy in Ancient Greece has not been initiated by the general public, but efforts of many people (and dictators, too) were needed to make it worldwide accepted nowadays.
The Movement for Deliberate Democratic Dictatorship has
no precedents
in human history, though it does not come to an empty place but is a result of natural evolution in the domain of social government. We state something more, namely, that
the Democratic Dictatorship is unavoidable
and, therefore, it is much better to perform planned transition instead of chaotic one, which will have then greater social price. The future of any reasonable government, either of dictatorship, or of democracy, in all their variations, converges to one and only form — that of the Deliberate Democratic Dictatorship!
We are not a party but a
movement for better parties
!
We do not fight for partaking in the Government but for
improvement of the Government
itself!
Give support to us and our Movement for Deliberate Democratic Dictatorship!
— — —
ADDENDUM TO DDD
1. Simple random choice of Parliament
To make simple random choice between about 6 mln. electorate in our country the problems consist mainly in building some ranging of persons, and in providing of guaranty for impossibility of faking the electoral results. Here we propose two variants, namely:
a)
Using one common electoral roll
. All electoral rolls by regions are to be issued and left for viewing by all residents according to the existing law, after which they have to be sent to the Central Electoral Commission (CEC), where they have to be united in a common one, according to some ranging of regions. After that each elector receives new ordering number and during one month (or two) there may be done corrections via adding at the end, or scratching with leaving of empty place in the list. This common list is sent to all concerned instances or private persons when requested (as a file, not printed, due to its presumable length of about 500 MB). Thereafter, on the prearranged day, the election is to be held publicly for choosing out randomly the needed number of Members of Parliament (MPs) — say 200, for our country — plus some reserve of 10 per cent. In some short period of time has to be checked whether each of the chosen persons answers all the requirements for the election (which are not so many and are like: whether he/she has not been scratched, whether is still living, of appropriate age, not imprisoned, etc.), and if someone has to be discarded then he/she is substituted with one of the reserve. If the reserve is finished, or later on any need arises for more MPs to be chosen, the same procedure is applied over the same data base.
It still left to be explained the exact procedure for simple random choice, and it can be the following:
(because the total number of electors is 7-digit number) has to be put three (for example) groups of digits from zero to nine including (it is good to have between 20 and 40 balls with digits to make it suitable to use the existing lotto /toto spheres), and
of the number has to be chosen
, whereby numbers exceeding the maximal number of electors are to be discarded on the spot. This will guaranty the impossibility for faking of the choice, and, by good organization, there will be no problems for the exact chosen persons to be announced by their names after some minutes.
b)
Using the Citizen's Identification Code
(CIC) for the given country. As far as the CIC number (called EGN in Bulgaria) is unique there is no need to produce other primary regional lists of electors, but by this ranging there, obviously, will be many "holes" in the list, what will result in the need of possibly twice as many chosen numbers, but that is not of principal importance. The procedure of choice is the same, i.e. the digits of the CIC are to be chosen in different spheres simultaneously. Our CIC is a 10-digit number, as follows: two digits for the year, two — for the month, and two — for the day of birth, and then another four digits where the last is not significant being used as control digit (by number 11). Similarly, the CIC number may be momentarily related to the chosen person.
The common disadvantage of the simple random choice is the fact that, according to the big numbers law (in probabilistic theory), it is possible for the chosen group of people to have not good representativeness, e.g. if the Romas (gypsies) in our country are, say, 20 per cent, it is very probable they will be in one Parliament 24, and in another — 17 per cent. It is also good if there will be some age limitation not only from below (above 18, by us) but from above (say, 70 years), too. This method is really simple and easy to apply, but if one wants a good representativeness of the choice by different parameters, then there should be provided a way for their extracting from each one of the electors, and for some iterative method of the very choosing procedure until the exact percentage for each group will be reached, and that is what we will discuss by the next method.
2. Multi-parametric random choice of Parliament
Here the situation is more complicated because we cannot allow us now the extravagance to have holes in the list (only by some exception), and to each elector in the common file have to be attached beforehand some fields for marking of the values of required parameters. Besides, there has to be a way to provide for some abstraction from the exact person's names during the choice by using some coding and shuffling in the general set. Let us begin with some preliminary remarks.
The general set is provided with labels
for each group G
i
, as well as with the values of their subgroups, which we shall mark using superscript
. We shell show this using an example near to the real situation, giving also some possible values in percentages of the general set:
G
1
[age]: G
1
1
[‹30 years] — 30%; G
1
2
[‹40 y.] — 23%; G
1
3
[‹50 y.] — 22%; G
1
4
[‹70 y.] — 25%;
G
2
[education]: G
2
1
[‹ secondary] — 20%; G
2
2
[‹ tertiary] — 60%; G
2
3
[tertiary and ›] — 20%;
G
3
[profession]: G
3
1
[without] — 20%; G
3
2
[human.] — 15%; G
3
3
[techn.] — 20%; G
3
4
[trade] — 25%; G
3
5
[others] — 20%;
G
4
[ethn. origin]: G
4
1
[Bulg.] — 55%; G
4
2
[gypsy] — 20%; G
4
3
[Turks] — 20%; G
4
4
[others] — 5%;
G
5
[religion]: G
5
1
[Christ.] — 45%;G
5
2
[non bel.] — 40%; G
5
3
[others] — 15%;
G
6
[mar.stat.]: G
6
1
[single] — 20%; G
6
2
[mar.] — 55%; G
6
3
[div./wid.] — 25%;
G
7
[soc.class]: G
7
1
[low] — 35%; G
7
2
[middle] — 50%; G
7
3
[high] — 15%;
G
8
[sex]: G
8
1
[male] — 50%; G
8
2
[female] — 50%;
Let us leave aside the question with the needed documents confirming the belonging to different subgroups and add just that they are very dynamic and in many cases are controversial, until they will be judicially treated accordingly. On the basis of general set exact estimates for the above given priory percentage are to be made and they have to be rounded to the whole number of percentage (or to the halves, if there have to be 200 MPs). It has to be computed also the minimal intersection of all possible subgroups, which in our example is: G
1
3
*G
2
1
*G
3
2
*G
4
4
*G
5
3
*G
6
1
*G
7
3
*G
8
1
= 0.22*0.2*0.15*0.05*0.15* 0.2*0.15*0.5 = 0.0000007425, where the last number multiplied by 6000000 electors gives 4.46 and means that only 4 persons might exist in this intersection. But that is not so bad, because the probability to have real person with exactly this combination of subgroups is, in fact, less than one millionth (i.e. this might happen only once in million chosen people), but still it is good if the minimal intersection comprises at least hundred persons to be sure that we will always find a solution, and in this sense it is good the differences in the subgroups to be not very big. Otherwise we shell have to apply some strategy for eliminating of such collisions, and one possibility is to repeat the choice of the person with intersection in groups less then 0.00001 (if this is possible), or discarding the necessity for strictly matching of some subgroup (otherwise).
The exact procedure goes in five steps:
a)
Making of the general set
. Each elector has the responsibility to make the needed corrections (with the required documents) in the authorized institutions (Departments to the Local Governments, or Local Electoral Commissions) in, say, 2 months time, and if this has not been done then the old values are accepted, or some initial values — for those who are elected for the first time. Each one takes the risk for incorrectly given parameters alone, because, after the step d) finishes, strictly checking for each of the elected persons is performed and if something has been given wrong to the established deadline the chosen person is simply discarded and on his/her place another one is to be chosen starting from step e) with the parameters of this improperly chosen. The files made in this way are collected from each of the local institutions and sent to CEC, where they are merged in one file which we will call F
0
. From this file is made an excerpt of the minimal required fields, properly coded, and file F
1
is produced, which can be copied to every interested party (or person). This file is used for calculating of the exact numbers of persons in each subgroup, as described above.
b) Making of the electoral file.
From the file F
1
in CEC only the fields with the coded parameters and some unique number for the persons (CIC) are selected and copied in an intermediary file F
2
, which may be copied to the interested parties, too. This file is moved in specially chosen isolated room (or even in separate building), where on a stand alone computer (not connected to any net, what is easy to be checked) a procedure for
of the records by simple swapping of the places of two randomly chosen records is started. This procedure continues for as long as is wished, it is observed by the media, and may be stopped when simultaneously the following things occur: the elapsed time is at least one hour, swapped are at least half of the records in F
2
, and approvals are given from three persons (out of 10) with their personal passwords. In this way file F
3
is produced, which is copied twice or thrice to doubling computers in the room, but
of it. From this file a selection of only the parameters for each record, but
, and
is made, thus producing a file F
4
, where the correspondence between the number of each record and the proper person for whom the record was made cannot be established without the file F
3
. As an electoral file is used F
4
, and three copies of it have to be given to those persons who continue with the next steps, whereby this special room is to be closed and stamped and guarded at least till the end of the elections.
c)
Performing of the initial simple random choice
. This is made by computer for the records in the file F
4
using random number generator (because there is no need for more complicated procedures) producing in this way a short file F
5
containing the chosen records from F
4
extended with a field for the records' numbers in F
4
. On the base of F
5
the number of personal records (though the persons remain anonymous) in each subgroup is established, which has to be near to the required but with two-three records more or less than the exact estimate. This step finishes very fast.
d)
Iterative fitting of the parameters to the exact estimates.
The file F
5
is fitted to the exact number of records for each subgroup proceeding in prearranged order, e.g.: between the groups in increasing order of mean square deviation for the subgroups (of the group), and between the subgroups in increasing order of the needed numbers (percentage, or number of MPs). Here three cases are possible, namely:
i)
there is no need for correction — go to the next (sub-) group;
ii)
there are less numbers of records than needed — take from those subgroups in the group where there are more records beginning with the subgroup with the highest surplus;
iii)
there are more numbers of records than needed — give to those subgroups where there are less records beginning with the subgroup with the biggest deficit.
The changing of the records in F
5
is done with records of F
4
, where all the other parameters remain the same as for the record (person) that goes out, and only for the given group the value of the given subgroup must be the new one. In doing this it is good in all such cases to make the intersections of all subgroups in F
4
in order to ensure that the random choice is made only for those numbers where it is justified (not to look for nonexistent intersection, or such where only a pair of records are possible). This step may continue for hours (or more), but that is of no importance and depends on the processing speed of the used computer. If we never reach to the empty set (what is practically impossible, as was stated in the beginning), the task has always a solution. The chosen in F
5
records' numbers are related to the real persons in the special room where the file F
3
is kept by simply reading the corresponding to the sequential numbers in F
4
records from F
3
, and, if needed, the records are extended with some other data from F
1
(where the CIC is used for access). This ends the election, but because it is very possible that some of the persons might have given incorrect parameters and have to be discarded and new persons chosen, or later on may be needed that some MPs be changed with new ones, so the last step also has to be provided.
e)
Substituting of one person with another randomly chosen
but with the same values of parameters. Here nothing difficult exists in making of the random choice for a person from the intersection of all the subgroups of the old one, and the procedure works in one step. These intersections in our case are 12960, what means that it is not easy to maintain them all, just for the speed in one case (even if the cases are hundred), but this is not needed in a good contemporary data base, for the records are extracted very fast. In general, such base is not much different from the base for all the vehicles in one country with an average population (of about 50 mln.).
This is the whole procedure, on the level of ideas about the algorithm, for the multi-parametric random choice, which provides an exact representativeness of the chosen MPs.
— — — — —
MANIFESTO OF THE EEE
(Enigma of the Exploitative Elite)
The history of all societies
is a history of
improving of the exploitation,
or of changing of one form of exploitation with another one, better than the former. And "better" here means that it more exactly corresponds to the new economical, social and political conditions in the society. On the early dawn of human civilization the tribal method of exploitation in big families have been changed with the slavery, because this has been proved to be essential in the fight for survival between different states, and those of them, where there were no slaves, have fallen as easy preys in the hands of the stronger and better organized countries. Without the slavery order there would have been no Ancient Greece, i.e. it would not have been great country, having given powerful impetus in the development of all arts, sciences, and production of goods in that time, but would have been instead something like "Eskimo-land". The slaves were fed and clothed and, under a competent slave-holder, even for themselves it was preferable to be slaves in a great and prosperous country rather than free citizens in a backward tribe.
With the evolvement of the economy, however, it became possible to change this form of exploitation with new and better one — with the feudal form, where the people did not still carry chains and could move freely between the borders of the country, but ... if they had what to eat, only the "chow" in that times have come mainly from the earth, so that they were forced to state bound to it. Glad or not (because people are
unhappy with what they have, but due to this trait they are in position to incessantly evolve themselves) the serfs have lived happy for many centuries, where their misfortune have begun just then, when have perceived that they may live even better. But they have established this only when this has become possible!
Afterwards have emerged the new capitalistic exploitation where only the property delimits the freedom of citizens, but this limitation is strongly needful for the existence of society, because
without exploitation there is no society
! And there is no society because the people must somehow be forced to do this, what is useful for
others in the country, and not only to look for their own interests. But even if somebody works for himself we can still speak about exploitation, only then about
or self-exploitation, but it is the most difficultly to be reached.
Linguistically looked the word "exploitation" means taking out ("ex-") of the whole (the "ploi-") of the person, i.e. to "
" of the people. This, however,
, because the human is a lazy enough creature for to break his doing-nothing, if nobody forces him somehow to do this! That is why in the study there are (despised-) teachers and (bored-) students, not because the latter could not have studied very well alone (supposing there are good enough books), but because they wouldn't have done this. Exploitation exists in the production, in the family, in the sphere of education, in the sciences and arts, between people and between animals.
If there is something bad in the exploitation, this is
exploitation, i.e. such which has already become anachronistic and does not correspond to the conditions of life! But even in this case it continues to remain on the stage for a long time, as it has become with the slavery order in one great democratic country like USA in relatively new time, when there was necessary to lead civil war and to kill about half a million people only to prove that, what has been known for a long time in the civilized world (and this is immortalized in the Constitution of the USA, where is literally written that the slavery is forbidden — because it
allowed). The weak and insufficient exploitation very often is worse than the stronger one, and the main reason in the social area for alling down of the communism was the
exploitation after the 70-ties of the 20-th century (what now is called bad
), which has led to lacking of interest for better labor or producing of goods given to the population (because it didn't have fallen earlier, when the compulsion or dictatorship was stronger, but exactly when it has weakened). The advantages of the capitalism before the totalitarian society
in the absence of exploitation, but strictly in its better correspondence with the productive and social conditions. And the dream of everyone under the capitalism (or at least of the millions unemployed all around the world) is not for him not to be exploited, but to find himself such employer, who can best of all "pull out his soul", provided he pays him good.
Let we not deceive us, that if our "chains" can't be seen they does not exist! The main tendency in the society is for reaching of even better "
" of the masses, but not for rejecting of the governing. Without organization, i.e. without
, the society would have been like a band of wolfs and this have been known at least from the times of primitive societies. But "known" does
well used, because all methods for
till now have been only opportunistic, i.e. such which can be found on the path of least resistance, but without whatever scientific ground or decision. Nowhere on the world have been reached the right view for
estimation of the enigma of exploitative mastery
, because this, really, is an art, which has its secrets and mysteries! Only we, from the
Enigma of the Exploitative Elite
(EEE), approach this problem in a right way, trying to find a
of this art, on the basis of which the question for choosing of rulers or exploiters, what is the main problem in the democratic elections (but is useful also for the centralized government, too), can be solved. Stating openly that
exploiter, this sounds great
, we ask ourselves first the question:
1. Why our democracy does not work?
And really, why in one America, or France, or Germany, et cetera, the democracy (more or less) works, but in one Bulgaria, or Albania (or Bangladesh, in order not to feel ourselves on the last place) it does not work? But don't think that the situation by us is so bad because we are small country, for we have, both, flown away from one big country (the great and indestructible Soviet Union, which had at once crashed down), and there are also smaller countries, like Czech, Hungary, etc., which are still better than us. We are, as we like to say, as much people as there are in Switzerland, just that we are
Switzerland. Well, of course there are natural resources, social traditions, religious integrity, etc., but these are things that we are not in position to change(or we can change them, but very slow and difficult). Still, we also carry out elections, as they do in their countries, only in our country happen to be elected only bad politicians. In any case, intervention in the choice is the easiest way to better the things or to recompense some other minuses, and for that reason let us first look at the possibilities of the democratic choice. By this, however, we must stress that
a)
The existing democratic choice does not solve the problem
, i.e. using it we shall still be at the end of the rang-list! This is so because the populace simply cannot know well his politicians for to make a good choice, and does not require from them any data or normative information, some document for qualification, on the base of which to do the choice. In
other area of activity people react in this way; wherever one applies for work he (or she) must show the required documents, only by the democratic elections such documents are not required. And when they are not required then the choice of the people can't be good.
In this way, though, it does not become clear why in other countries it turns out to be good. In order to simplify the task let us speak not about choice of politicians but about a ...
! Then our original question can be paraphrased as: in what the American "basket with apples" (American Apples, ah?) happens to be better than ours? In other words, how is it possible that whenever one thrust his hand in the basket each time he catches good apples (nonetheless he can't evaluate them good beforehand)? Well, in this case it's clear that this is possible only if
apples are good! This would have been completely true also for the political "basket", if there were not other social or economical reasons, so that we are not stating that all our politicians are still "green", but the truth is that in a given democratic society
to rule the country — what they also do, alternating according with the choice of the people. Only that
this is not a proper choice, and that is why EEE makes proposition for special preparatory choice of the "basket", so that to have there mainly "ripe apples" and, therefore, make the choice easier for the people. Our proposition will be given below, but let us now continue with the drawbacks of the democracy, which reflect particularly badly on countries like ours, stating that
b)
The western view on the question of democracy is not useful for the weak countries
, hence, it is not useful for us! Here we are going from the thesis that the democracy, giving wider freedoms to the nations for their development, gives, in a natural way,
advantage to the more
and better united nations, and, intentionally or not, violates the equality of stronger and weaker nations, because it is clear that under equal conditions in this world wins the stronger! In other words, when the West objects to the level of democratization is some country, this is mainly because of diminishing the abilities of the stronger countries to exploit the weaker ones. We do not blame the well developed countries (because their attitude is explicable and normal), we just declare the fact that exploitation exists also in dealings between states, and its character does not correspond well to the interests of weaker countries.
The only salvation for the weaker
in this situation
is to
in order to become stronger (or to append or annex himself to the stronger). This, surely, is the main reason for creating the European Community (for to be in condition to compete successfully with the United States of America), and we do not reject such possible ways. But together with this we may win in the fight on the world arena also if we have better way for selection of exploitative elite, what could have made us stronger
. And in this way it is possible to affect not only the ruling elite but the masses, too, because
c) The successful exploitation depends substantially on the exploited
! Maybe the most important difference between us and the Americans (or Germans, Englishmen, etc.) in relation of the psychology of the people is their higher unity and organization. And one nation can't be well organized if it has not common views on principal questions of the country, but in a
the principal view is the conviction for the
of it! It is possible that our non-understanding of this can be explained with our long-lasted communist influence, but the communism, in the end, comes not from the East but from the West, and in one America, for example, it was well known, though nobody there has wanted to be no wealthy people (i.e. to abolish the exploitation of the poor), but rather for themselves to become rich (what makes them to take active part in the existing mutual exploitation in the society).
Apropos, in relation to the communists: one should not give big credence to them because they are
people. Not that they alone have some guilt about this, because if the capitalism a century back was what it is nowadays on the West then the communism or fascism would have remained just a theory, i.e.
the communists are product of the society
or of the unsuitable exploitation under it. But they are perverse because they call themselves with strange names, which a normal person would have felt ashamed of — for the Russian "
" is derivative from "
", what is a burden or wares, so that this greeting has to be translated as ... load carrier or stevedore! Similar is the situation also with the western comrade (camerade /Kamerad), which comes from the camera (or cell) in jail, so that they are this time prisoners (galley-slaves, or slaves of the work). Well, the Bulgarians
also proved to be perverse because they ran away from the nice greeting "
", what means "the other one", which is both neutral, as well as speaks about friendship (what is very important for the successful exploitation).
But let us leave the perversions aside and return to the unity of our people. If the population is convinced that each society relies on the exploitation in it, then the society will be good, and our country strong. And if we make the democratic choice such that to be chosen only "good" people, capable to give all hidden in their nature in the name of successful exploitation of the people on the way of democracy, then, looking on their successes, our people will listen to them and go after them as meek flock after its herdsman. And all this reduces mainly to the ability to measure their exploitative mastery, so that it is time now to go to the
2. Evaluation of exploitative capabilities.
Because there are not good objective criteria for estimation of the level of exploitation which each one can exercise in the society, i.e. we can't imagine organizing of exploitative exams, no their mass usage, we are forced to be contented with only fixing of the exercised by the person exploitation — in some
(ERB) — and its accumulation with the years. For our goals, though, this is quite enough, where the received estimation can be used not only in the politics, but also by taking of whatever ruling position. In other words, together with the labour booklet (employment record book), each person who wishes whenever to begin to exercise
active
must maintain also a separate exploitative booklet, where each year are to be fixed some points (which we shall clear after a while), in different columns by
of exploitation (about what we shall speak in the next section).
First let us discuss the scoring system. Its choice must be such that will allow maintaining of wide diapasons of values (say, from 1 to 1000 persons subordinates), so that to be measured mainly the level of hierarchy and not only the total number of persons, because no big boss governs alone his /her subordinates. Fortunately this question is solved for centuries in mathematics using the logarithmic scale, which is applied generously by "dear God" himself in our sensory organs. If we take as their base the number 2 then log
2
2 is equal to 1, log
2
4 = 2, log
2
8 = 3, etc., where log
2
1024 = 10, but log
1 = 0 no matter what is the base
. In this way to each number
(the number of subordinates of the person), we set in correspondences its binary logarithm.
The binary base is suitable with this, that if the working hierarchy is binary, then on the first level we shall have 1, for two subordinates, on the second level — 2, for four people of the lowest level, etc., so that the level of hierarchy will be exactly equal to the binary logarithm of the number of his lowest executives. But this is idealized case because the number of immediate subordinates is, usually, around three, though they may reach up to 7-8, and in addition we are interested in the total number of subordinates, not only of those on the lowest level. That is why we propose to use the Neper number
, which is 2.7182..., what gives greater contraction of the diapason and for which log
1 = 0, log
2 ≈ 0.69, log
3 ≈ 1.1, log
8 ≈ 2.08, log
10 ≈ 2.3, log
20 ≈ 3.0, log
50 ≈ 3.91, log
100 ≈ 4.6, log
150 ≈ 5.01, log
404 ≈ 6.0, and let us set here one ceiling, as we in Bulgaria are used to do with student's marks (we use from 2 to 6, where the latter is the highest mark).
This number now does not correspond exactly to the level, but neither the hierarchical tree is binary, nor it is needed to calculate some more complicated estimation for each person. The important thing is that this is suitable measure in the limits from 0 to 6, it is easy to calculate with ordinary professional calculator, and it corresponds approximately to the level (for example: for the tiny boss with 2-3 subordinates it is around 1, for 7-8 persons — around 2, for 15-20 — circa 3, etc.). In this situation is reasonable to set the condition to fix only values greater than 0.6, i.e. to begin with 2 subordinates (if they are integer numbers), and to work with precision up to the second digit after the point. As long as the logarithm, in any case, does not become integer, then there is no need to require that the number
is integer (i.e. we can measure also seasonal workers, computed proportionally to the period of time).
Till here we have spoken only about computing of one of the columns in the ERB and also for one year. The accumulation will be performed via ordinary summation of the numbers in each column for the year, and after this for all years. Mixing the logarithmic scale with the linear one is clear that we shall get some distortions of the estimation, as for example: person who exploits three years by three workers will gather three points, or the same amount which he would have had for one year from 20 or so workers. But this is
, because we measure not just some number but exploitative abilities, which depend stronger on the time of their applying (i.e. on the gathered experience), than on their strength in one year, and in the financial assessment of the person using his salary the distortion is even greater, because it is hardly to believe that the salary of a supervisor of 20 workers will be three times higher than that of a tiny boss with only three subordinates (maybe this relation will be about two times).
After all said till now we are ready to continue with the question of the
3. Kinds of exploitation.
The issuing and maintaining of exploitative booklets must be performed by a special institution with working name Bureaus for Registration of Exploiters (BRE). Each citizen of age must have rights (after corresponding judicial regulation of the matter) to receive an ERB, in which each year to be put the earned by him exploitative points, where the various columns are filled from the immediate instances, but the attestation and summation for the year is performed in the BRE, which has the rights of higher control institution. In
can be entered only
for the whole year, where is marked also the period of time, in order to recalculate the points if the year is not full. Such calculation is performed in the BRE
to the time (if there's a need) for each column separately, after what in the total column the points are summed with two decimal positions (after the decimal point), but if for all columns can't be reached at least one point then nothing is entered for the year (i.e. 0 points). Each person can receive points in different columns, notwithstanding the fact that they may be related with one and the same place of work (and this is normally to be supposed by big exploiters).
The Enigma of the Exploitative Elite proposes in the ERB to be maintained the following 5 kinds of exploitation, namely:
a) Administrative exploitation
. This is the most widely spread kind of exploitation, which we have had in view by explanation of the assessment, but not at all the single one. Here the question is about these exploitative abilities (working with masses, governing, representativeness, organization of the subordinates, etc.) which are shown when one takes some higher executive position as hired worker against payment. The assessment of these abilities is done with the number (
) of all subordinates of the person, where for the purpose must be used some scheme of hierarchy of the posts in the factory, especially if it is a big one (for small companies with maximal yearly average number of hired persons, according to the official financial documents, not higher than 10 persons is permitted not to make special scheme). The entries in the ERB are made by the organization where the person is hired,
, even if the organization is bigger than 400 people.
More than this, inasmuch as there is difference in the abilities needed in the civil sphere and those in the military or militarized subdivisions, we propose to exist some diminishing coefficient for the latter case in the boundaries of 0.5 - 0.8, by which to be multiplied the number
before taking the logarithm of it. We find this justified because it is more difficult to rule a factory with 100 workers, than a subdivision of 500 solders, for example, where there are strong disciplinary punishments in cases of non-obedience. In addition to this, in various institutions where the employees work with big number of clients, in positions filled by way of elections in the democratic institutions, in the educational or health-care institutions, et cetera, is counted the number of
subordinates, and not of the customers (what is obvious).
b) Financial exploitation
. This is one
exploitation, which one performs via his capitals, keeping shares (or bond, securities) of companies, but not working immediately in them against salary. Here also is calculated first some number
, what are again workers, but employed yearly on the average in the companies, parts of which the person owns. At first sight one may think that such calculations would be difficult, but having in mind that we observe only such parts which will give
, it is clear that the point isn't in owning of 4-5 shares out of tens of thousands emitted, even if in the company work several hundred employees. Each company which has emitted shares on the market surely knows what is their minimal number, which corresponds to one employed worker, and the situation is even easier with owning of parts of companies, where this can be applied to only a pair of persons. After calculating the number of workers non-immediately exploited by the person is taken its logarithm and the gathered estimation is entered in the ERB, where here also is applied the limitation
points.
c) Social exploitation
. Here are measured the exploitative abilities of persons engaged in one or another form of
between the population (regardless of the fact against or not some payment), like: participating in parties, non-profit associations, religious or educational organizations, et cetera, inasmuch as each form of influencing over the minds of people is conductor of ideas, aiming at forming of such behaviour between them, which is useful for the person or organization which he represents, and, hence, leads to some exploitation. But in this case it is very difficult to measure the number of people which fall under this influence, particularly because it is very small and must be applied powerful depressing coefficients (1/100 or 1/1000, for example), and because of this we propose to use some standard scoring in the limits
maximum, and by steps of 0.5. Each similar organization must offer in the end of the year list of the persons who are to be marked with more than 1 point, in order to be entered by BRE, and enter in ERB only for the persons with 0.5 and 1.0 points.
For that purpose must be made in beforehand corresponding tables, where for some of the posts we propose the following: President, Attorney General, Supreme Judge, Chief-commanders of various armed forces — 5 p.; their direct assistants — 4.5 p.; Chairman of the Parliament, Head of the official Church, President of the Academy of Sciences, Ministers of various Ministries — 4 p.; their direct assistants, Chairmen of Commissions to the Parliament — 3.5 p.; Members in the Parliament — 3 p.; Municipal Councilors — 2.5 p.; heads of political parties, religious groups and other non-profit associations (with at least 1000 members), not occupying some of the above-mentioned posts — 2 p.; their assistants etc. — 1.5 p.; other ruling personnel of similar organizations — 1 p.; and ordinary members (if scoring) — 0.5 points.
d) Personal exploitation
. As measure for self-exploitation of each one is used his /her salary, but as far as we must compare it with something symbolizing one human unit we accept for this purpose one minimal monthly salary (MMS). The allowed interval is
(i.e., taking the logarithm, from nearly 2 MMS to about 12 MMS). This column, too, is filled on the place of work and is attested in BRE.
e) Professional bonification
. Inasmuch as everything can be learned, so the exploitative abilities also can,
, be learned and one education of the kind must be marked somehow. For this purpose must be elaborated one list with qualified in this case types of education, where we find that these are, e.g.: management, public relations, journalism, law, and other social sciences. The scoring here is humble and in the limits
., where 0.5 is given for college (non-tertiary), 1 — for university (tertiary), and 1.5 — for higher than tertiary (or more than one tertiary) such education. Entering in this column is made in the BRE after showing (the first time) of the corresponding diploma.
With this we finish the explaining of major topics of the EEE and proceed to the last
4. Conclusive remarks.
The Enigma of the Exploitative Elite does not plead for changing of the existing democratic elections but only for introducing and using of exploitative booklets. After some 10-15 years there will be persons with 50 points in the ERB, and maybe even with hundred points. They can be accumulated in different ways, for example: a) small owner with 5-10 workers and personal ruling of the company will gain in an year: 1.5 p. for personal exploitation, 2 p. for financial, 1-2 p. for administrative, and having a diploma for manager another 1 p. (and, probably, 0.5 as some small party functionary), what already gives more than 6 p., so that for 15 years this will reach up to hundred; b) professional businessman who takes a becoming post in, say, a bank can accumulate: 1.5 for personal, 2.5 for administrative, 0.5 for owning of shares with the time, 1.5 for professional (certified MBA), what gives again about 6 points in an year; c) important administrative director ruling over a company with 150 workers will have only in the administrative column 5 p.; d) prominent politician, member of Parliament, will have 3 p. for social, about 2 p. for personal, something for administrative, 0.5-1.0 for financial (probably), and 1 p. for education; e) high-ranking post in the army will gather about 4 p. only in administrative line; and so on.
These booklets will be useful for all chiefs, politicians, businessmen, media staff, clergymen, ordinary citizens, etc., because they will fix and accumulate their exploitative abilities and for each sufficiently high position they will be required, if not mandatory, then at leas as a significant factor by their application for the job. With time it will show that a party, which did not ballot leaders with high points in the ERB, will just not have the confidence of the masses and will lose in the elections. We do not force the parties to use ERBs — they
will take this as requirement. And the more the democratic principles in our country flourish, the more appropriate will be fixed the secrets of exploitative mastery in the exploitative books, because the bad chiefs will be quickly changed and other persons will go ahead in the number of points.
Only with the help of EEE
will our country succeed to catch up with and overtake the economically well developed countries, in which the exploitation advances still sporadically, where by us it will be subjected to
.
The classical democracy sets on the possibilities for free choice, but does not make anything for forming of the algorithm of choice. In this situation the things go well where they have always gone well, and, respectively, bad — where they were bad. Put it otherwise: where has leaked, there will leak again. Only our EEE gives the possibility
also in our devastated economy to begin to flow rivers with ambrosia
.
Even if EEE will not better the policy, it
will better the economy
, but the best policy has always been the best economy, hence,
EEE will better also the policy
!
If you yearn for our country, then you yearn for the exploitation in it, therefore you
long for the Enigma of the Exploitative Elite
.
Appreciate our Enigma in order to build our own exploitative elite!
— — — — —
Сконвертировано и опубликовано на http://SamoLit.com/